Upstairs at the Old Kentucky Home Interpretation Booklet

I created this booklet because many visitors to the Thomas Wolfe Memorial State Historic Site were unwilling or unable to visit the upstairs portion of the boarding house (OKH).  Although it’s admittedly a low tech interpretive tool, booklets such as this one can provide a type of access when resources are limited.

Upstairs at the Old Kentucky Home

Upstairs hallway


“The Sleeping Porch at the Head of the Stairs”

For the season of 1916 Julia Wolfe added a number of rooms, including two sleeping porches.  These allowed her summer guests to take advantage of the mountain air that had become so fashionable by the early 1900s.  The porch added “at the head of the stairs” played a special role in Look Homeward Angel and tells us something about the relationship of life to literature.

In the summer of 1917, when Tom was home after his first year of college, a young woman from eastern North Carolina stayed at the OKH with her younger brother.  She was in her early twenties and engaged, but that did not prevent Tom from developing a crush on her.  At the end of the summer, she returned home, married her fiancé, and settled in Norfolk.

In LHA, readers meet a young woman named Laura James with whom Eugene Gant has a romance.  They court on the porch swing, go on a picnic, and one night, when Eugene was sleeping in “the porch at the head of the stairs” he climbed out this window onto the roof and into the window of the room where Laura James was staying (the brother is conveniently absent from the novel) and stays much of the night with her.  Fact or fiction?…

This photograph shows the sleeping porch as it appeared in 1949.  At that time it was used to display W.O. Wolfe’s tools and deathbed.

We know of a few people who probably stayed in this boarder’s bedroom.  Wolfe wrote of a “spinster” teacher from New York who visited in 1913, and according to Julia, spent some time tutoring an African American man.  A more famous guest occupied the room in 1943.  In that year Zelda Fitzgerald had tired of living with her mother in Montgomery and wrote her solicitor that she could take a room in the Old Kentucky Home for about $3.50 a week.  We have her name listed in the guest register for that year, and one of her letters indicated that she stayed in this front bedroom.

Until the additions of 1916, the OKH had only one bathroom, which was downstairs.  Covered “slop jars” like this one supplemented the facilities.

Ben’s Sickroom

In the summer of 1918, Tom’s brother Ben, to whom he felt closest of any family member, stayed in this small room.  Julia Wolfe may have given Ben this room in order to maximize space available for her summer boarders.  During that summer Ben caught the Spanish flue that was decimating the United States at the time.  His flue developed into pneumonia and the family moved him into the room next door, which provided more light and air.

This photograph shows the small bedroom’s appearance in 1949.  Notice Tom’s baby dress hanging on the wall.  Although the room was associated with Ben and not Tom, the presence of the baby dress underscores the focus of the house in its early years as a shrine to Tom.

The Room Where Ben Died

The family moved the very sick Ben into the room pictured here.  In 1918, however, the room looked a bit different; it held two beds and no upholstered furniture.  Tom came home in time to watch his brother’s slow and difficult death, which he ultimately immortalized in one of the last chapters of Look Homeward Angel.  Afterwards, this room became known as “Ben’s room.”

In Look Homeward Angel Tom described the room where Ben died as the one with “its ugly Victorian bay-window.”  Perhaps he was influenced by the room’s association with death, or was simply expressing a modernist dislike of Victorian architecture.

“Birthing Bed Room” and Sleeping Porch

This is the second of the two sleeping porches that Julia Wolfe added in 1916.  It was built off of an existing bedroom, also pictured here.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

This bed, currently in the room adjoining the sleeping porch, came from the Woodfin Street House when Julia sold it in 1920.  It had served as the “birthing bed” in which all of the Wolfe children, including Tom, were born.

Off of the center hallway you can see one of the boarder’s bedrooms that existed prior to Julia’s expansions of 1916.

The change in width of the floorboards as you go down the back upstairs hallway reveals where Julia made additions to this area of the house.  You can also see the odd angles that resulted.

More “Modern” Additions

In 1916 Julia added this bathroom at the end of the back hallway.  She also added an entire section to the other side of the house that included two rooms for bathtubs and one room for a toilet.  By 1916 consumers could order matching bathroom sets from Montgomery Ward and Sears, although most homes in Western North Carolina did not get indoor plumbing until several decades later.

Next to the bathroom, Julia added this small bedroom.  A guest who stayed in the OKH in the 1940s remarked that Julia rented out this room quite frequently, even when she had few boarders and could have rented out one of the larger rooms.

This is the room where Tom stayed when he came back to the OKH in 1937.  That year he wanted to spend the summer in the Asheville area working on his third novel.  Because of the hostility he had experienced from the locals after the publication of Look Homeward Angel he decided to test the waters before committing to a long-term stay.  Therefore in May he spent a week in his mother’s boarding house.

This visit turned out to be a great success. Tom wrote an article about it for the Asheville Citizen Times called “Return.”  He also arranged to rent a cabin in nearby Oteen in which he spent much of that summer.  Unfortunately, his death in September of 1938 prevented his return to the Old Kentucky Home.

W.O. Wolfe’s Bed

The bed in “Tom’s room” may have belonged to W.O. Wolfe when he lived in the Woodfin Street house.  In 1975 Bob Conway conducted a recorded interview with Tom’s brother Fred Wolfe as they toured the house.  When they came to this bedroom Fred observed that “this bed was my father’s bed at 92 Woodfin Street.  And Tom used to love to sleep in that bed.”

Board Training

I recently conducted what I hope was an informative and inspirational training session for the board of a museum start-up.  They have a great deal of passion for the history they want to preserve, but needed some advice on the challenges that museums face in the 21st century and how to navigate them.  The most important lesson I could give was to take seriously that museums now and in the future have to be for someone rather than about something (with appropriate acknowledgement to the children’s museum pioneers for this insight).  This is s simple statement, but often difficult for “museum geeks” to grasp.  They are often driven by their passion for the subject, stuff, or both, and have a hard time grappling with the need to give over at least a portion of their authority to their prospective audiences.

A consideration of today’s advertising and product world, however, will drive home this aspect of the new museum paradigm.  Take the following Nike ad for example:


Each image offers the consumer the ability to be the designer.  The Nike company has developed a product that allows consumers to assume a measure of control over what they choose to pay for.  Whether we like it or not, people are increasingly accustomed to exercising choice and control over their purchases.  This shapes much of their attitude towards all leisure activities, including what educators define as “free-choice learning” opportunities.  In his most recent book, Identity and the Museum Visitor Experience, museum learning expert John Falk has tied this desire for control into a set of personal need expectations, a blend of which guide the way the individual visitor uses the museum.  Falk argues that to survive and thrive into the future, museums will need to understand these visitor needs/expectations and meet those that fit the profile of the majority of their visitors.  Museum administrators, no matter what their particular responsibility, can no longer afford to work in a bubble.

Labels for “Groovy Garb: Paper Clothing from the Mars Manufacturing Company”

I wrote this label text for an exhibit at the Asheville Art Museum

Mars Manufacturing and the Paper Appeal [Intro panel]

Why would anyone wear a dress made of paper?

On its debut in March 1966, the paper dress hit a fashion and consumer market primed to embrace it.  To promote its new line of “hip” print paper products, the Scott Paper Company advertised  a choice of two “Paper Caper” dresses “created to make you the conversation piece at parties” for $1 plus postage.  Orders poured in.  From its beginning, the paper dress was linked with both fashion and novelty.

In 1966 Mars Manufacturing, of Asheville, NC, stepped into the paper whirl created by Scott.  They brokered deals with major fashion retailers Abraham & Strauss and Gimbels to produce special lines for them.  By the end of the year, they had produced close to 100,000 dresses.

Paper dresses were new and thus modern – daring, cheap, disposable, and most of all, fun.  They fit a consumer culture dominated by youth and the breezy, hip, humor seen in popular culture images of James Bond, The Avengers, Batman, and That Girl.  They were certainly not your mother’s dress, and offered a way to try out bolder patterns, new styles, and shorter lengths without real investment.  As the original promotion said,

“Wear it for kicks, then give it the air!”

 

 The Wastebasket Boutique Chic

Paper clothing had its initial, and most lasting, success in chic boutiques with catchy names such as “In Dispensable Disposables.”  In an attempt to capitalize on this, Abraham & Strauss Department Stores in New York developed a specialized section for paper clothing within their notions department.  Dubbed “The Waste Basket Boutique,” they featured exclusive Mars designs at prices well within reach of the average woman, or man.

Abraham & Strauss underscored the connection to hip boutique culture when it hired Pop artist Andy Warhol to stage a paper dress “happening” to celebrate the opening of the first “Waste Basket Boutique.”  Warhol united painting with performance by stamping “Fragile” on a Mars blank paper dress while it was being worn by pop singer Nico.  The Brooklyn Museum immediately acquired the dress, acknowledging the fine line between art and fashion.

 

It’s All in the Packaging (near or in case of packaging)

Most stores that carried the “Waste Basket Boutique” dresses sold them in packages like these, rather than hung on a rack.  Mars designed its packaging to reflect the spirit of the period.  The logo for the line of clothing combined visual references to childhood’s paper dolls with the large daisy flower motif popular in the late 1960s.  Various fashion and business news headlines, in addition to the advertisements, reinforced the visual themes.  Retailers also reveled in the use of puns that made the paper dress seem ultra “mod.”

 

 Beyond the Paper Dress (for jumpsuit and romper)

By January of 1967, a front page story in The New York Times referred not to the “paper dress” but to “paper clothing.”  As early as the fall of 1966, the basic A-line dress had been joined by beach cover-ups and soon included shorts, pants suits, jumpsuits, and even bikinis (designed for “sunning”).  These items all fit comfortably within the recreational/fun focus that dominated much of the press given to paper clothing.

  

Pop Art Meets Retail (for premium dress section)

Before the logo t-shirt there was the paper dress premium.  Scott’s “Paper Caper” dresses had depended on ads and coupons to form a link between the dresses and the company’s products, but later paper dress premiums took advantage of the Pop Art movement to make the link blatant.

In the early 1960s, Roy Lichtenstein and Andy Warhol changed notions of what defined art by making art out of commercial products and popular culture icons.  This trend took the potential vulgarity of wearing a dress emblazoned with “Baby Ruth” or “Master Charge” and made it the height of hip.

 

The Ultimate Party Dress (near napkins and dress)

Mars made dresses for the Hallmark Company that played off the popularity of paper party goods.  The fashionable hostess could literally embody their party’s decorative theme by wearing a dress that matched her tablecloth, napkins, cups and plates.

Do you think there would be a market for this today?

Paper Goes High Style

(either with pink and silver or fur trimmed dress)

In September of 1966, Mars introduced silver foil paper dresses suitable for evening wear.  The foil was stronger than the earlier paper material and tapped into the “space-age” fashion seen in contemporary shows such as Star Trek and Lost in Space.  The Wadsworth Athenaeum museum in Hartford, CT, held a paper ball held on October 24, 1966, stamping the paper dress with high society’s approval.  A Vogue spread on paper dresses in February 1967 featured celebrities such as Candace Bergen and Lee Radziwill.

The cost of these “designer” paper dresses often ran into the hundreds.  Although Mars did make its line of evening wear, the company stood firm on the point that “disposable dresses should have disposable prices” and continued to target the average consumer.

 (with Audie Dress and her design ephemera)

As the designer for Mars’ paper dresses, Audie Bayer tapped into the spirit of the Pop Art movement.  Artists of the early 20th century held that art occurs within all aspects of life.  Artists of the “pop” movement, took this concept to a new level by focusing on the “art” of everyday things.  Bayer’s first patterns for Mars used designs originally produced for gift-wrap and her easy shapes embodied contemporary clothing styles.

What do you think?  Can consumer products be art?

The TWA “Foreign Accents” Dress

Paper dresses took to the air in April 1968 when TWA introduced its transcontinental “foreign accent” flights.  Full-page advertisements proclaimed the wonders of flight “in four styles with hostesses to match!”  Flight attendants, wearing the appropriately themed paper dress, illustrated each of the international styles—French, Olde English, Italian, and Manhattan Penthouse.  Mars produced the dresses for TWA, and passengers were given the opportunity to order their own “foreign accent” dress for use at home.

  

The Little Black (and Yellow) Dress

“Wear the Yellow Pages Out for $1”

On May 26, 1968 Parade magazine featured a full page ad showing a hip, blond model wearing a Mars produced paper dress patterned with a collage of the Yellow Pages.  The text offered consumers “A flashy paper put-on” that was “just plain fun to wear” for only $1, less than the original Scott dress, which had also required 25 cents postage.  The response was equally impressive.  Mars soon had 80,000 orders to fill each week.

Unlike the “Waste Basket Boutique” dresses, the Yellow Pages dress escaped the confines of local retail outlets and gained a national audience.  The extremely low cost of the dress undoubtedly assisted its wild popularity, but sales could only be sustained by a large direct mail, campaign.  Ultimately, the very success of the Yellow Pages dress may have contributed to its demise.  After all, once everyone had one, or at least knew someone who had one, the thrill was gone.

The Paper Dress Fades Out

The Yellow Pages dress proved to be both the biggest and the last hit for Mars.  Fashion “buzz” over the paper dress peaked by mid 1967, and by 1969 paper clothing was fading from view.  The forces behind its decline were much the same as those behind its rise—popular culture, cost and fashion.  While the culture of the mid 1960s associated youth with carefree fun, national and global events of 1967 and 1968 changed American culture dramatically.  It did not help that paper dresses were also uncomfortable.

In 1969 the Bayer family sold Mars Manufacturing to Work Wear Corporation, although they continued to be employed by the new owners.  Several years later they left Work Wear and formed another company called American Threshold which focused on the production of paper hospital and laboratory goods.

Link

We are what we own

This web-based exhibit on the use of the decorative arts in eighteenth and early nineteenth century Virginia was put together by a group of five students under my direction.  I edited the final version that is linked to the Fredericksburg Area Museum and Cultural Center’s website.  Click on the link above to “visit” the exhibit.

Student Exhibits

This exhibit was developed, fabricated, and installed under my direction by students in my exhibit interpretation and design class at the University of Mary Washington in 2011.  It was installed in the lobby of Dodd Auditorium to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the Freedom Rides.

Introductory Panel

 

  

Birmingham Bus Station Integration Mural with Interactive Bench and Suitcase

 

 

Suitcase Detail

Mob Violence Panel

Case Exhibit

 

 

Light up Map showing route of First Freedom Ride using vintage map from 1961

  Joan Trumpauer Mulholland Panel

 

 

Facsimile of Joan’s Prison Diary (in notebook so that visitors could read it)


Mugshot Mirror

Fingerprint Activity used with Mugshot Mirror

 Arrests Panel using Detroit News Photos


Visitor Response and Suggestion Board

(used at “soft” opening in March)

 

 

Furnishings Analysis of the Old Kentucky Home at the Thomas Wolfe State Historic Site

Furnishings Analysis and Recommendations

Introductory Narrative

The Old Kentucky Home served as an active boarding house and home to Julia Westall Wolfe from 1906 until her death in 1945, and afterwards as home to Fred Wolfe until 1949.  In that same year, the house was turned over to the newly formed Thomas Wolfe Memorial Association with the view of turning it into a public shrine to the writer.  With this end in view, the Association aimed to recreate it “as nearly as possible as it was when Wolfe was a boy…” (Aingley Report, 65).  Evidence suggests that despite this goal, the furnishing plan ended up subject to other needs, such as the display of particular family objects, maintaining as many original Wolfe family pieces as possible, and interpreting the larger history of Thomas Wolfe’s career.

 

With the opening of the Visitor’s Center, the Memorial no longer needed to use the OKH to display objects associated with Wolfe’s career outside of Asheville.  This allowed for the return of some of the rooms to their boarding house era appearance.  However, the overall furnishing plan stands in need of a general revision in order to reconcile family memory (not always reliable) with documentary evidence and knowledge of common social practices of the early twentieth century.  In some cases, minor changes in furnishing arrangements could open up new areas of interpretation, and in other cases, a reconsideration of the documentary and oral history evidence as it relates to household arrangements could do the same.

 

Inventory analysis and comparison

The Thomas Wolfe Memorial is fortunate to have three sets of household inventories that mark different periods of the OKH’s history.  The earliest of these is also the most mysterious.  It consists of lists made in two small brown notebooks, only one of which is extant today.  The surviving notebook gives little evidence of the reason for the inventory having been made, and there is ambiguity regarding its date.  It is titled “Invoice of the Old Kentucky Home, October 1st/1919” in ink, but a “25” is penciled in over the “19.”  The inventory may have been revised in 1925.  It seems unlikely that the 1919 date was off by that many years, particularly since the list on the first page directly beneath the title is also written in ink.  The specific breakdown of furnishings, however, is written in pencil and in Julia Wolfe’s handwriting.  Whatever the case, this inventory appears to reflect the furnishings as they were in the period closest to that of Tom’s habitation of the house.  I must note, however, that the inventory does not include the sun parlor, and the dining room has two conflicting furniture lists.  The inventory also does not contain anything but basic furniture.  I think, therefore, that it was probably made either when Julia was considering selling the house, or as collateral for a loan.

 

Mabel Wolfe Wheaton made a second inventory in 1949 prior to the OKH being turned over to the Memorial Association.  A comparison of the 1919/25 inventory with the 1949 inventory reveals changes that occurred during the later years of Julia Wolfe’s residency, and in preparation for the opening of the Memorial.  Radio interviews with Mabel in 1957 shed light on some of these changes.  The third, and most detailed, inventory was made in 1974 when the OKH became state-owned.  This inventory illustrates changes made to accommodate the need to tell Wolfe’s full story, and the “shrine” expectations that visitors during that period brought to the home.

 

Parlor:

The 1919/25 inventory of the parlor lists a five piece suite of upholstered furniture, a book case, folding bed with mattress and springs, one long Axminster rug (art square), 3 small rugs, 1 easel, 1 table with lamp, 9 family pictures, 2 large pictures, and 5 small pictures.  This arrangement fits what would be expected of a formal parlor in the Victorian fashion, most especially the bookcase to display the family’s interest in knowledge and in the wider world, and the easel to indicate an appreciation of art (see Katherine Grier, “The Decline of the Memory Palace: the Parlor after 1890” in Jessica Foy and Thomas Schlereth eds. American Home Life, 1880-1930: a Social History of Spaces and Services).   There is ample documentary evidence that the parlor also contained a piano, but as a personal possession it would not have been included on a list made for business purposes.

 

The 1949 inventory does list the piano, as well as several additional items that seem to have been placed in the parlor after 1925.  Most significantly, the five piece parlor suite had been replaced by a three piece set of Karpen Brothers furniture.  This is the set that currently occupies the room, but it was not there before 1925.  No three piece upholstered set appears anywhere on the earlier inventory.  In the 1957 interview Mabel remarked, “There have been about seven sets of living room furniture since Mama bought the place, but…she would never throw anything away…so we have the seven suits here in the house.”  By 1949 the parlor also contained a “half round end table,” a “’Victorian’ flower stand,” a leather reclining chair, and the seven piece cane-bottom Mission set (this latter in an unspecified location in 1919/25).  The bookcase and easel had been removed.  The easel does not appear on any inventory after the first one, but the bookcase had probably been moved to the front room across from the parlor.

 

These changes make sense if the Wolfe family wanted to “modernize” the parlor.  By the 1920s, the Victorian emphasis on the display of knowledge and accomplishment had given way to a focus on relaxation and simpler furniture lines like the Mission pieces.  During Tom’s early years, however, the parlor seems still to have fit the Victorian model, and may explain his discomfort with its old-fashioned and stuffy aesthetic.  It is also worth noting that according to Fred Wolfe, the parlor was his father’s favorite room (lst oral history interview with Fred Wolfe, June 1, 1975, transcription, p.1).   Mabel remembers her father being very particular about meals being served on fine dishes kept in prime condition (see Leggett Blythe, Mabel Wheaton, Thomas Wolfe and his Family).  This may reflect a general sympathy with Victorian display and formality that would fit with a Victorian parlor.[1]

 

The most notable additions to the parlor that appear in the 1974 inventory are the crystal lamp that was Mabel’s wedding gift from her parents, and the Estey organ that belonged to Julia.  The organ may have been in the parlor prior to 1949 and simply, like the piano, not have been included in that inventory, but if it was there it had been removed by 1949.  Mabel’s lamp replaced one that was previously in the parlor and it is possible that the Art Nouveau lamp currently in the sun parlor originally stood in the formal parlor.  The Mission set had been removed, and is currently scattered through the house.  Other furniture had been shifted between 1949 and 1974.  The fern or flower stand and the umbrella stand had changed places with the flower stand now in the hallway and the umbrella stand in the parlor.  Several decorative items are listed in 1974 in addition to the two mantle statuettes and flowers under glass specified by Mabel.  These include a green ash tray, a dog ash tray, 4 white vases with gold trim, a Civil War sword, a coconut, a ceramic hand vase, and a white marble card holder made by W.O.  The latter is among the ornaments included in Mabel’s description of the parlor at 92 Woodfin, and may reflect the combination of those furnishings with the ones originally in the OKH parlor.

 

As of 2007, the parlor no longer contains the dog ash tray, the white vases, the CW sword, or the marble card holder.   I was unable to determine the current disposition of these items.  Additionally, the room now houses a leather barrel chair and a rocking chair.

 

Hallway:

The 1919/25 hallway inventory lists one long Axminster rug, a hat rack, a hall mirror (probably a standing mirror), 3 tables (probably included the 2 marble top “Victorian” hall tables), a stand, a what-not, a desk and large bookcase, 2 “fancy” pictures, 6 “small” pictures and 3 diplomas.  By 1949 the bookcase and desk had been removed.  The desk had been moved into the adjoining bedroom, and the bookcase was probably placed in the front room along with the bookcase from the parlor.  Several pieces had been added, including a rocking chair, 2 mahogany half-round tables, a leather swivel chair, a hanging oak bookshelf (listed more accurately as a “hanging whatnot” in 1974), a marble top bureau, a walnut buffet base, a leather love seat, a cloth love seat, and an umbrella stand.  The leather pieces may either be part of one of the seven sets of parlor furniture, or they may be from W.O. Wolfe’s office.  The only leather furniture mentioned on the earlier inventory consists of a “large” chair and a couch in unspecified locations.

 

The hallway also under went alteration between 1949 and 1974.  As mentioned above, the umbrella stand was moved into the parlor and the flower stand brought out into the hall.  The leather pieces and cloth love seat were replaced by two of the Mission pieces, a bench and armchair.  The rocking chair that appeared in the 1949 inventory was not listed in 1974 (this may be the one currently in the parlor), nor was the marble top bureau.  On the opposite note, the desk, if not the bookcase, had been returned to the hall where it stood in 1919/25.

 

Sun Parlor:

The sun parlor was not inventoried in 1919/25 (although it is listed among the rooms), so the 1949 inventory is the first record we have of the furnishings.  As of that year this room contained a Mission center table, an oak piano, a five piece cherry suite with leatherette upholstery (probably the original parlor set, possibly reupholstered), a high-backed chair, the leather sofa from W.O.’s office, a tufted leather sofa, designated as being “from Old Kentucky Home,” a leather rocking chair, an oak bookcase, a round pedestal table, a leather swivel chair, and an art square rug.  It makes sense that the family would have moved the older parlor furniture into the informal parlor when they purchased a new set.

 

Furniture in the sun parlor was also switched out between 1949 and 1974.  By the latter date the Association was using the upstairs sleeping porch to interpret W.O.’s professional life.  In 1974 only one leather sofa was listed in the sun parlor, and it seems likely that the leather sofa listed in the inventory of the sleeping porch in 1974 is the office sofa that was in the sun parlor in 1949.  According to Fred, the sofa in the sleeping porch was one that W.O. slept on, and still bore the imprint of his body (1st interview, transcription, p.2).   There is, however, also a leather sofa listed on the inventory for W.O.’s bedroom and that may be the office sofa.   Whatever the case, it was no longer in the sun parlor.  The oak book case was also no longer here and I think it is fairly certain that it had been placed with its fellow in the room across from the formal parlor.  The leather rocker and swivel chair were also missing from the sun parlor by 1974.  I could not locate any leather rocker in the collection, and it seems probable that the rocker currently upholstered in maroon velvet was leather-covered at one time.

The missing furniture had been replaced by 2 love seats, one “tapestry” and one “red,” one parlor straight chair, a fern stand, and a small square table.

 

Dining Room:

Evidence for the dining room furnishings proves the most problematic.  As indicated above, the 1919/25 inventory conflicts internally regarding the setup in this room.  On one page the inventory lists under the heading “dining room” one side board and five tables.  On the next page, after other room listings, it includes under “dining room” 22 chairs, 2 tables, 2 side boards, 2 scarves, 5 window shades, 5 rods, 1 clock, 4 ornaments, 1 picture, 3 lights, and 3 shades.  Family memories also conflict.  In his 1975 interview Fred Wolfe observed that the dining room originally had “one long table, that housed about thirty people…flanked with these smaller tables that we now have in here” (1st interview, transcription, p.1).  It would have to be a long table indeed to seat thirty people, and it seems likely that Fred’s memory was a bit fuzzy about this.  In her 1957 radio interview, however, Mabel claimed that the dining room held four large tables, with the first table reserved for the family’s use (Mabel Wolfe NBC Radio interview, Sept. 14, 1957, transcript, p.3).  It is possible that the second list on the 1919/25 inventory was made in 1925 and reflects changes that occurred after 1919.  If Mrs. Wolfe stopped serving meals in the early 1920s, then she may well have removed some of the tables, but this is purely speculation.

 

Mabel’s 1949 inventory of the dining room matches her observations in 1957.  It specifies 3 “extension” tables and one “square mahogany” table for a total of four tables.  However she also lists a “serving table” that may account for the fifth table cited in the first list of the 1919/25 inventory.  At this time the dining room also contained W.O. Wolfe’s oak desk.

 

By 1974 W.O.’s desk, currently in the exhibit area, had been moved from the dining room to the sleeping porch, in line with the designation of the porch as the place to showcase W.O.’s profession.   Again, the number and type of tables had shifted.  It now boasted 4 “serving tables,” 2 square tables, and 1 round table, for a total of 7 tables.  From this list it is difficult to determine which might have been the “one long table” described by Fred Wolfe in 1975 (see above).  The placement of seven tables may have been a reading of the two lists in the 1919/25 inventory as representing two parts of the whole (see above).  However, this would mean that in addition to 7 tables, the dining room contained 3 side boards rather than the 2 listed in 1949.  The 1974 inventory also lists a china cabinet and a wall whatnot, neither of which appear in any other inventory.   In addition, this is the first inventory to include all of the dishes and silverware.   Because this is the only listing of these items, I have not included a discussion of it here.  The only exception to this would be the 6 piece silver service anniversary gift from W.O. to Julia that Fred placed in the OKH dining room “for the people to see.”

 

Kitchen:

The 1919/25 inventory does not include the pantry, and has a very basic list under “kitchen.”  This consists of one long table, one sink table, one gas stove and heater, and one range.  The interviews with Fred and Mabel Wolfe, however, give some intriguing insights into life in the kitchen.  Fred, for example, claimed that his mother brought the coal stove from Mitchell County.  It seems unlikely that the owners of the OKH would have taken the original stove with them when they sold the remaining furniture along with the house.  In addition, the stove bears the imprint “improved 1898” so Julia would have had no “history” with its use that might have made her want to keep it.

 

In her tour of the kitchen made during the first NBC radio interview, Mabel commented that although they tried, the family could never get Julia to use an electric iron.  She made this observation after telling about a visiting female artist from New York who, on seeing the kitchen, wept “that Tom Wolfe’s mother had to use a kitchen like this” (NBC interview, transcription, p.4).   Mabel may have been trying to excuse the general lack of modern technology rather than reflecting an actual disdain on Julia’s part for improvements.  Whatever the case, the kitchen was never wired with the outlets that would have allowed for the easy use of electric appliances.   Mabel also spoke at some length about the Toledo Cooker that took its heat from the coal stove top and was used to roast meat.  This would have freed up the baking section of the coal stove for use in baking bread, cakes, etc. and may explain why the gas stove does not seem to have been set up for anything other than stovetop use.

 

In 1949 Mabel inventoried what she called “the breakfast room” (aka pantry) and kitchen together.  Her list was more specific than her mother’s and included a “large Georgia marble topped kitchen table,” on which, according to her radio interview, her mother used to knead bread (NBC interview, transcription, p.4).  She also lists a pantry cupboard, an ice box, a “long metal covered kitchen work table,” a wood box, an “old-fashioned” pie safe, and an “old original kitchen range, ovens, etc.”  Her use of the term “original” to describe the range suggests that she remembered it having come with the house and not being carted in from Mitchell County.  Of course, she may simply have intended to distinguish it from the more “modern” gas range, although she doesn’t list that range at all.  Most oddly, the inventory indicates that the “original 6 piece parlor suite of the house” had been moved into the pantry/kitchen area along with the bronze clock that Julia listed in the dining room inventory.

The 1974 kitchen inventory includes small articles and utensils not listed in any prior inventory.  Therefore, as with the dining room dishes, I have not included these in my analysis.  Outside of these articles the 1974 inventory indicates 2 small tables, 4 chairs, a stool, and a “music cabinet” (the phonograph?) had been added to the kitchen/pantry area since 1949.  The gas stove also reappeared on this inventory.   The parlor suite, however, had been moved out, and the clock had been returned to the dining room.

 

Bedrooms:

Determining the history of the bedroom furnishings, as in the case of the dining room, is problematic, but for a different reason.  Each of the three inventories has a unique method of distinguishing between the various bedrooms in the OKH, so it can be difficult to match them up from inventory to inventory.  The 1919/25 inventory assigns a number to each upstairs room (with the exception of the sleeping porch which is designated as such) that go from 1 to 11, with 1-6 associated with the original rooms, and 7-11 designating those added in 1916.  The 1949 inventory uses directional descriptions, as in right, left, front, back, and center, but does not clarify the point of reference.  The 1974 inventory uses geographical directions.  By piecing the three systems together using rooms that can be identified on all three, such as “Ben’s room,” we can get a general picture of some of the major changes over the years.

 

Perhaps more than any other area of the OKH, the upstairs has been subject to enshrinement.  As a result, the 1919/25 inventory yields the most insight into what Tom would have known as a boy and youth.  Basically the furnishing of every bedroom consisted of the following: bed(s), mattress and springs, pillow, dresser, table and/or washstand, chair, rocker, rug, bowl, pitcher, soap dish or slab, slop jar (usually covered), window shade(s) and a light.  The variations from this pattern are easily identified.  The sleeping porch contained a desk and chair set, the small porch off of the room where Ben first became ill held only two cots with mattresses and pillows, “Ben’s room” (#3) contained 2 double beds, and the center bedroom of those added in 1916 (#10, in back hallway across from Ben’s room) contained a desk and chair set.

 

The only wardrobe mentioned in the 1919/25 inventory was in the large downstairs bedroom, also specified as containing a “tall dresser.”  In 1949 the wardrobe was described as “walnut mirrored. “  As of 2007 this room does not contain a wardrobe, while there is a small walnut mirrored one in room #1 (see attached for room identification), and a large oak one in Ben’s room.  The room currently designated as “W. O’s” was furnished with a brass and a wooden bed, as well as two vases, a clock, and an iron safe, perhaps from W.O.’s office.  This distinction between a brass and wooden bed is the only specification of where one of the two wooden beds listed on this initial inventory was placed.

 

Not surprisingly, the 1949 inventory reveals the first moves toward enshrining pieces of the Wolfe family history within the OKH.  Mabel designated the small room off of “Ben’s room” as “Special” and specified that it held “Mama’s bed room furniture from Woodfin Street house whereon all children were born.”  The placement of the “birthing bed” in one of the original guest rooms for public view indicates a conscious attempt to move beyond showing the house as it appeared during Tom’s lifetime, and to incorporate items that physically connected the author with his family.  It also mirrored the fascination of the period with beds in which famous people slept or were born.  This inventory also designates the brass double bed in “Ben’s room” as “Papa’s old bed.”

 

In his 1975 interview Fred maintained that the wooden bed  in “Tom’s room” was W.O.’s bed “at 92 Woodfin Street” and claimed that “Tom used to love to sleep in that bed” (1st interview, transcription, p.5).  This suggests that “Papa’s old bed” was one he used in the OKH, unless Fred was mistaken.  The fact that two beds had strong family associations with W.O. underlines the fluidity of life between OKH and Woodfin.   Fred also pointed out that the furniture from Tom’s New York apartment had been put on display in the bedroom to the right of the stairs, while W.O.’s tools and office furniture had been put in the sleeping porch.

 

Some sense of enshrinement also seems to have motivated moving the Woodfin bedroom furniture out of the room beside “Ben’s room” where Mabel had originally placed it.  In the 1974 inventory this small room was identified as the “room in which Ben became ill” and was once again furnished as it had been in 1919/25.  The Woodfin bedroom suite had been moved to the bedroom in between the two side hallways.  The main upstairs hall had a sort of mini museum with a number of glass cases holding various pieces of Tom’s clothing and a few objects from the Woodfin house.  This display, in addition to the “tool room” and “New York apartment room” were developed to showcase objects that were deemed important to visitors and could not be shown elsewhere because the site had no visitor’s center.

 

For this same reason the front room across from the parlor, which had been a bedroom in 1919/25, housed the family’s books, 2 bookcases, and Tom’s high chair as of 1949.  By 1974 several additional small objects were displayed there, along with 2 love seats (noted as needing repair) a Mission chair and rocker (probably part of the large set noted in 1919/25), and another book case.

 

Although none of the inventories listed bookcases among the furnishings of the bedrooms, two of them are currently in bedrooms.  A large one stands in the large downstairs bedroom, and a smaller one is in room #7.

 

Suggestions for Revision to Current Furnishing Plan and Interpretation

In general I think that the interpretation of the OKH has suffered a bit from a perception that there was a clear line between it and the Woodfin house.  Ample evidence exists to indicate that the Wolfe family used the two houses somewhat interchangeably, and after 1917 family life, as well as business life, centered in the OKH.  The publication of LHA in 1929 essentially layered a literary identity onto the everyday identity of the OKH.  This is similar to the situation faced by Hawthorne’s House of Seven Gables in Salem, Massachusetts.  In the case of that house, the staff and board over the years have shifted the interpretation to reflect the actual use of the house rather than its role as a literary character (see Tami Christopher, “The House of Seven Gables: a House Museum’s Adaptation to Changing Social Expectations Since 1910” in Amy Levin, ed. Defining Memory: Local Museums and the Construction of History in America’s Changing Communities. Altamira P., 2007).

 

I would propose that the OKH can, and should, be interpreted both as an early 20th century boarding house/family house, and as an inspiration for one of the great American novels.  Restoring some furnishings to represent more accurately its earlier incarnation would actually reflect the environment that Wolfe experienced as a boy, and that he re-envisioned in LHA.  In addition, because the line between business and home was quite fuzzy, the OKH can help visitors learn about everyday life, society, and technology in the early 20th century.  Indeed, some of what we know of life in the Woodfin Street house can be discussed in the context of the OKH if done carefully.

 

Parlor:

It is difficult to identify seven distinctive sets of living room furniture in the collection, but there is one set of four matching pieces, with a fifth piece that is very similar.  Currently they are located in the sun parlor and in Ben’s room.  These pieces should probably be returned to the parlor if the goal is to reflect the house as it looked c.1916.  At the least, visitors should be aware that the current parlor set was probably purchased in the 1930s.

In general, the parlor of Wolfe’s youth seems to have been closer in feel to the typical “Victorian” parlor than to the “living room” of the 20s and 30s.  Restoring an easel to its furnishings would help illustrate this, as would restoring one of the bookcases to its original place in the parlor.  Putting a bookcase back in the parlor would also bring home the importance of books, both to Tom and to his father, and give a central place to display that aspect of the collection.  I would also put silk ferns etc. both here and in the sun parlor, since plants also played a role in showing the late Victorian appreciation of nature.

 

Hallway:

The most important recommendation I would make for the hallway is to locate a good approximation of an Axminster rug, and a runner for the stairs.  We know both areas were carpeted, and restoring this would improve the ability of the house to evoke the period.  As far as the furniture is concerned, after 1919/25 the hallway seems to have been used somewhat as a catch all storage area for various pieces of furniture.  The placement of the mission set was not documented in that earliest inventory, so it is possible that it was in the hallway, where it appeared on the 1974 inventory.  The same, however, could also be said for some of the leather pieces.  Therefore it is probably not worth making any changes here.  I would put one of the bookcases in the vicinity of the desk because it does appear on the 1919/25 inventory and once again underlines the public importance of books.

 

Sun Parlor:

There seems to be no reason for any significant changes here, although either some of the leather pieces or some of the rush-bottom mission pieces could be put in to replace the original parlor pieces if those are moved.  Again, one of the bookcases could be put back in here as it was in 1949.

 

Dining Room:

The issue here is interpretive.  It seems impossible to pin down exactly how the dining room was furnished, aside from the fact that it could and did serve a large number of people, including the Wolfe family.  Due to the fire in 1998, the articles in this room represent what was there at the time of the fire, but are no longer the actual Wolfe artifacts.  This frees the room up for more “physical” use than the rest of the house.  It also can allow the room to represent the value Mr. Wolfe placed on the material culture of dining.  In other words, although the china, crystal, etc. currently on display in the dining room, may be fancier than utensils that would have been used in the OKH, it can serve to illustrate dining at the Woodfin house, and the use of the dining room as a public showcase.

 

Kitchen:

As with the hallway, the kitchen/pantry appears to have served as a storage area for excess furniture over the years after 1919/25.  It would be interesting, at least in part, to use Mabel’s memories of the kitchen, as expressed in her radio interview, to interpret this space to drop-in visitors.

 

Bedrooms:

The primary change that I would recommend for the bedrooms concerns “Ben’s room.”  It seems clear from the 1919/25 inventory that when Ben died, this room was furnished just as all the other boarding bedrooms were furnished (i.e. beds, table, dresser, straight chair, rocking chair, washstand, pitcher etc.).  In addition, it contained two double beds.  In 1949 Mabel designated one of these as W.O.’s old brass bed.  The 1919/25 inventory, however, lists a brass bed among the furnishings of the back bedroom downstairs.  It seems unlikely, therefore, that the second bed in “Ben’s room” was originally “papa’s old bed.”

 

I would definitely recommend removing the parlor pieces from “Ben’s room.”  At the time that he became ill, the family did not know that he was on his deathbed and simply put him in the large boarder’s room recommended by his nurse.  It is highly unlikely that they would have hauled the parlor furniture up the stairs in order to use it for a deathwatch.  Although the presence of the parlor furniture is impressive, it is actually more poignant to consider that Ben died in the relatively impersonal atmosphere of a rented room.  It would also be a more accurate representation of the room at the time to put a second bed in it.  If this cannot be done, staff members should let visitors know that it, like other large bedrooms in the house, originally held two beds.  Other rooms with two beds included both of the downstairs bedrooms, the room to the right at the head of the stairs, and the room that now houses the “birthing bed,” although that room and the sleeping porch were inventoried together (so each room held one of the two beds and furniture sets listed).

 

As a general rule, I would use the 1919/25 inventory of the bedrooms as the furnishing model (see appendix for room by room inventory).  This would mean adding beds to some of the rooms, and replacing one of the washstands in the sleeping porch with a desk.  Clearly this could only be done on a limited basis because the back hallway rooms cannot be opened to the public, and there is no alternative space for exhibiting the birthing bed.   It would also mean removing the bookcases from the two bedrooms currently housing them, but that would happen anyway as a consequence of revamping the parlor and sun parlor.  I would also suggest using the various bedrooms to highlight the types of guests who stayed in the OKH—travelling salesmen, vacationers from the Deep South, teachers, entertainers, etc.  This could be done by placing appropriate props in particular rooms.  This could even be made into a hands-on opportunity for guests if these objects were clearly marked with a hands-on sign or symbol.

 

Conclusion

The Thomas Wolfe Memorial has a lot of stories to tell, and generally tells them well.  There is, however, some room for improvement in terms of clarifying some of the interpretive and physical layers that have accumulated in the OKH over the course of several decades as a public space.  An analysis of the various inventories of the house, in addition to other documents, reveals ways in which objects have been moved and used to accommodate differing emphases in interpretation of the house, Wolfe, and the Wolfe family.

 

Staff members who give tours of the OKH should help visitors understand some of this layering that occurred.  If the focus of the interpretation is to be on the house as Wolfe experienced it in his younger years (c.1916-1923) interpretation would benefit by both some physical recreation and a thorough understanding of the house as it looked in those years.  For this, the 1919/25 inventory is invaluable, even though it does not include the small moveables.  If the interpretive focus is on a less precise set of years, then the full spread of changes currently on display needs to be conveyed to visitors in order to avoid conveying the impression that they are seeing the OKH as it looked during Wolfe’s youth.

 

If staff members make the decision to maintain the current furnishing arrangements, then by default the interpretive focus should encompass the entire span of Wolfe’s life, and that of the OKH.  This approach is certainly valid as long as the visitors clearly understand, to the degree that we can determine or speculate, how and why things shifted over the course of those years.  This could then become the embodiment of Wolfe’s observation that “You Can’t Go Home Again.”

 

Inventory of Upstairs Bedrooms in the OKH 1919/25

 

Sleeping Porch (on landing)

1 double bed

1 cot

1 dresser

1 table

1 walnut desk

1 desk chair

1 straight chair

2 rockers

1 spring

1 mattress

3 pillows

1 wash stand

Same old shades and curtains

1 light

 

Room #1 (bedroom to right when coming upstairs into hall)

2 beds

1 dresser

1 table

1 wash stand

1 straight chair

2 rockers4 pillows

1 bowl

1 large pitcher

1 small pitcher

1 soap dish

1 slop jar

1 light with shade

2 window shades

 

Room #2 (small room where Ben became ill)

1 single bed

1 dresser

1 table

1 wash stand

1 chair

1 springs

1 mattress

1 large pillow

1 light

1 slop jar

 

Little porch off room #2

2 cots

2 mattresses

2 pillows

One curtain over door

 

Room #3 (Ben’s room)

2 double beds

1 dresser

1 wash stand

2 straight chairs

2 rockers

4 pillows

1 light with shade

1 bowl

1 large pitcher

1 small pitcher

1 soap dish

1 slop jar with cover

4 shades

 

Room #4 and Sleeping Porch (“birthing bed” room and porch)

2 beds

1 tall dresser

2 tables

2 wash stands

4 chairs

1 “old” rug

2 springs

2 mattresses

4 pillows

2 bowls

2 slop jars

 

Room #5 (middle room to left of stairway, between the two side halls)

1 bed

1 bed spring and mattress

1 walnut dresser

1 table

1 walnut wash stand

1 straight chair

2 rockers

2 rugs

2 pillows

1 light with shade

1 bowl

1pitcher

1 soap dish

1 slop jar

2 window shades

 

Room #6 (“Tom’s room”)

1 bed

1 dresser

1 table

1 wash stand

1 Olsen rug

1 springs

1 mattress

2 pillows

1 bowl

1 small pitcher

1 slop jar with lid

 

Room #7 (room connected to Tom’s room)

1 bed

1 table

1 dresser

1 wash stand

1 straight chair

1 rocker

1 Olsen rug

1 springs

1 mattress

1 light

1 bowl

1 pitcher

1 soap dish

2 shades

 

Room #8 (corner bedroom)

1 double bed

1 dresser

1 wash stand

1 straight chair

1 rocker

1 “old” rug

1 picture

1 springs

1 mattress

2 pillows

1 bowl

1 large pitcher

1 small pitcher

1 soap slab

1 slop jar

1 light

2 shades

 

Note: rooms 9, 10, and 11 are in the back hallway that cannot be opened to the public.  They are included here for comparison purposes.

Room #9

1 bed

1 dresser

1 table

1 straight chair

1 rocker

1 rug

1 springs

1 mattress

2 pillows

1 light

1 soap slab

 

Room #10

1 single bed

1 dresser

1 desk

1 desk chair

1 small rug

1 pillow

1 light

1 shade

 

Room #11

1 double bed

1 tall dresser

1 table

1 wash stand

1 springs

1 mattress

2 pillows

1 Olsen rug

1 light

1 bowl

1 pitcher

1 soap dish

1 slop jar

2 window shades

 

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[1] Mabel’s description of the parlor at 92 Woodfin certainly fits the “Victorian” model.  She said it “was furnished with plush upholstered furniture,” had a whatnot “filled with marble carved pieces” and “numerous other curios, including a conch shell” and travel souvenirs, a mantle clock, a “glass enclosure of fruits…and delicate flowers,” a marble-topped center table “the embodiment of elegance” and a Brussels carpet.  Leggett Blythe and Mabel Wheaton, Thomas Wolfe and His Family.  Doubleday and Co., Garden City: N.Y., 1962, pp.15-16.

African American Focus Guide to the Fredericksburg Area Museum

I developed this guide to highlight the African American story line within exhibits at the Fredericksburg Area Museum and Cultural Center.  My goal was to do this while also encouraging visitors to ask questions and engage in dialogue (whether internal or with others).  Please note that the format of the blog did not allow me to retain the complete formatting of the guide, such as borders, font size, etc.

 African American Gallery Guide

 You can use this guide to explore the story of the African American experience within the permanent exhibits of the Fredericksburg Area Museum and Cultural Center.  The guide is organized by exhibit and can be followed through the entire museum.  It highlights particular objects of interest, but also has “different viewpoint” sections that invite you to consider new ways of thinking about familiar stories.

Fredericksburg at War
This exhibit explores the Fredericksburg area’s experience during wartime.  African Americans fought in all of America’s major wars, beginning with the Revolution.  Their experience, however, was not entirely the same as that of the White soldiers and citizens.

  • A Different Viewpoint—war and slavery

For African Americans, particularly those who were enslaved, war provided a special dilemma.  While they shared the dangers of warfare, the potential defeat of their masters posed the possibility of freedom.  During the Revolutionary War, the British offered freedom to any slave willing to serve in their ranks, and during the Civil War, hundreds of slaves crossed the Rappahannock to seek freedom behind the Union lines.  As you go through the exhibit, think about what decision you might have made if you were a slave.

Rappahannock Forge Pistol

Slave labor may have produced parts of the pistol from James Hunter’s Rappahannock Forge ironworks.  Slaves worked throughout Hunter’s industries, at least one as a blacksmith.  Hunter’s tax records for 1783 list 200 slaves.

  • A Different Viewpoint—the Revolution

The revolutionary leaders were supported by the labor of the slaves that worked their plantations.  These enslaved people essentially formed an “invisible” force that assisted the fight against the British.  Some African Americans were more visibly engaged.  One hundred and forty enslaved and free Blacks served in the Virginia fleet that patrolled the Rappahannock and the Chesapeake Bay.

Photograph of John Washington

Look at the image of John Washington.  He was identified as a mulatto (born of one white and one black parent) and described himself as fair haired and blue eyed.  When he escaped to Union lines, the soldiers assumed that he was white and expressed surprise when told he was a slave.  Although Washington acknowledged his heritage, others in his situation chose to “pass” as white.  Given the opportunity, would you try to “pass?”  Why or why not?

Door Damaged in the Civil War

This war damaged door played a role in the life of John Washington before he escaped to freedom.  It came from the home of his owner Mrs. Taliafero, and he may have gone in an out of it many times.  If he could see it now, what might he think and feel?

Jane Beale Diary

Jane Beale’s diary includes glimpses into the life of the enslaved during the siege of Fredericksurg through the eyes of their owner.  If you explore it you can find references to the slaves, and consider their situation as they were caught between danger and potential freedom.  See if you can locate the quotation from the chambermaid Martha.  How might her knowledge of the situation outside of the house have been a type of power?

“In Their Own Words” Computer Station

This computer station offers several stories from African American viewpoints, including that of John Washington.  What differences do you notice in their stories of the Civil War?

  • A Different Viewpoint—the “Gateway to Freedom”

Directly across from the computer station is the “Gateway to Freedom” section of the exhibit.  It explores the experiences of the enslaved who chose to cross the Rappahannock River to the Union lines during the siege and battle of Fredericksburg.  Union soldiers referred to these Blacks as “contraband,” a word that meant smuggled or officially forbidden goods.  General Butler first used this term in order to avoid having to return slaves to their owners, but most of those who used it would have been unlikely to understand its legal origins.  Consider what its use might imply about how they viewed the escaped slaves.

Photograph of the Burial of the Dead near Kenmore

Across from the vault exhibit is a panel photograph showing African Americans burying the dead near Kenmore.  It is not clear whether these are Confederate or Union dead, but both armies tended to keep African Americans in subordinate roles such as grave diggers.  The United States Colored Troops units of the Union were the exception to this practice.

Image of the Stained Glass Window Portrait of Dr. Urbane F. Bass

Next to the panel about the WWI influenza epidemic is a smaller panel with an image of Dr. Urbane F. Bass’ stained glass portrait.  Dr. Bass was as prominent member of the African American community and founded Commerce St. Pharmacy in 1911.  His letter volunteering for military service read

“Realizing that patriotism and loyalty should be paramount in the breasts of all American citizens at this time and feeling (although a negro) that loyalty for my country…I am herewith offering my services for the Army Medical Corps….”

The window was installed in his honor at Shiloh Baptist New Site and dedicated in a well attended ceremony on July 13, 1920.

 

Portal, Passage, and Power
This exhibit explores the ways in which the Rappahannocki River influenced Fredericksburg’s development as a town.  African Americans, both enslaved and free, played an integral role in these developments.  Their story begins at the large map of the river.

  • A Different Viewpoint—the river

As you look at the light up map of the river, consider the ships that carried human cargo to be sold to the plantations and businesses in the area and beyond.  Push the button that lights up the port landing and imagine arriving there as a slave.  What would your thoughts be?

Letter from Augustus Mason to George Aler

This 1858 letter from Mason to slave trader George Aler, and Aler’s response, reveals the individual human face of the slave trade.  The original letter and the response read as follows:

“I have agreed to let Green have the bearer Thomas at what you would value him at today.

“I think in his condition he is not worth more than five hundred dollars.  It is almost impossible to come at the true value in the market as very few persons would buy him in his present condition.”

Try to put yourself in Thomas’ shoes.  Think about the fact that he carried the letter that discussed his own fate, and the content references to his “value” and his apparently poor “present condition.”  What do these suggest to you about his life as a slave?

  • A Different Viewpoint—the port records

The cargo unloaded at Fredericksburg’s port included slaves.  Letters and other documents reveal that many local merchants and planters made money in the slave trade.  In 1771, for example, the captain of the slaver Othello from Rhode Island spent several months in Fredericksburg selling slaves.  Falmouth merchant Charles Yates assisted him. Ironworks owner James Hunter also dealt in “negro consignments.”   In the 1800s, Anthony Buck and Finnal & Smith established slave auction and trade businesses in town.   You can visit the auction block on the corner of William and Charles Streets.

 Photograph of Germania Roller Mills

Look carefully at the photograph of the men outside of the mill office.  Both skilled and unskilled African Americans continued to a part of the local work force after the Civil War.  The men pictured here may be Henry James, Jesse Lewis (a teamster), and Joseph Lawson (a cooper).  All three men worked at the mill in the late 1800s.

Certificate from Falmouth Manufacturing

Slave labor played a significant role in local industries.  In addition to cloth mills like Falmouth Manufacturing, the Aquia stone quarry and Rappahannock Forge used a number of slaves.  Slaves also helped construct the Rappahannock Canal.  There is more information available on the forge and stone quarry in the second floor Town Hall exhibit.

Railroads and Highways
This exhibit focuses on the impact of changing modes of transportation.  Developments in travel offered African Americans the potential for greater freedom of movement, but also lead to new attempts at restriction.  As you go through the exhibit, think about what travel would have been like in the segregated south.

RF&P Railroad Artifacts

The objects mounted on and along the gallery wall represent different aspects of building and running a railroad.  Enslaved African Americans helped to build the RF&P Railroad, and worked in a number of jobs after the Civil War.  Joseph Morton and James Sturdy were trackmen, Jim Ferguson was a brakeman, Robert Buckner worked the switch lights, John Seymore White handled baggage, and Pete Williams loaded passenger bags as a “red cap.”  These were only some of the African Americans who helped keep the railroad running.

Silver Plated Teapot

This teapot used by Pullman Porters in guest service, represents the railroad job probably most often associated with African Americans.  Certainly the image of the Black porter was popular in movies.    By the time this teapot was in use, Pullman Porters had unionized under the leadership of porter A. Philip Randolph.

  • A Different Viewpoint—travelling by rail

The Jim Crow laws required railroads to provide the same type of facilities for Blacks as for Whites.  In 1908, however, a group of African Methodist Episcopal bishops lodged a formal complaint against the RF&P citing the poor conditions in the first class Negro cars, and protesting Blacks’ exclusion from sleeping and dining cars.  Consider how the Pullman Porters might have felt about this situation.

Images of Early Drivers Licenses

When you look at the images of driver’s licenses on the wall panel do you see evidence of continued racial segregation?  Because the construction of a separate roadway system for Blacks was impractical, the advent of the automobile offered the possibility of greater freedom of movement for African Americans within a single transportation system.  Despite this, or perhaps because of it, roadway facilities such as restrooms and restaurants, remained segregated.  Look for objects that show this in the Community exhibit upstairs.

  • A Different Viewpoint—Chatham Bridge

According to local memory, during the Jim Crow era, many African Americans used the area at the base of the Chatham Bridge as an unofficial “restroom.”  The facilities for blacks were clustered in the section of town near the railroad station.  Those who found themselves in need while in the vicinity of William Street, where no “colored” facilities existed, used the shelter of the brush near the base of the bridge, with women using one side, and men the other.

  • A Different Viewpoint—Jefferson Davis Highway

Not everyone felt pride at the opening of the Jefferson Davis Highway.  For many African Americans, the memorializing of the Confederate president represented yet another way in which their history and experience was ignored.  This view was not shared by all blacks, however.  Some thought it best to move forward with federal initiatives such as the highway, even if it meant accepting the celebration of Confederate leaders.  Why do you think they might have made this decision?   How would you have felt?

Our Community
This exhibit considers Fredericksburg’s community history.  For much of the 20th century, Jim Crow segregation laws fostered the creation of a separate African American community within the Fredericksburg community.  The struggle to re-integrate the two communities occupied the second half of the century, and continues to challenge us today.

Oral History Station

Listen to Gaye Adegbalola’s memory of her experiences in the local Civil Rights Movement.  As you listen, consider what the photo mural in front of you indicates about the present community.  How far have we come?

Photograph of Mary Washington Hospital

The African American ward in Mary Washington Hospital was funded n part by the contribution of the money from the sale of the first African American Hospital in Fredericksburg.  The Urbane F. Bass Memorial Hospital had been founded in 1921 in a former residence, but ultimately proved financially unsustainable.   The “colored” ward was on the third floor of the hospital, where you see the dormer windows.

Photograph of James Farmer

Although he spent his last years as a faculty member of the University of Mary Washington, James Farmer first visited Fredericksburg in May of 1961 as head of the first Freedom Ride.  The Fredericksburg Greyhound bus station was the first place that the Riders deliberately integrated in a test of the Supreme Court decision forbidding segregation in facilities that served interstate travel.

“White Ladies” Restroom Door

As you look at this door from a local gas station restroom, consider the memories of Freedom Riders Charles Person and James Peck of their experiences integrating the Fredericksburg bus station restrooms.  Charles Person wrote, “My recollection of events in Fredericksburg in 1961 is vague, but I do remember it was un-eventful.  It also gave me the feeling that this journey was going to be easy; but we know it was not.” (email dated October 19, 2011)

Person’s email also referred to James Peck’s memoire, written in 1962.  Peck recollected, “The first white and colored signs we encountered were only 50 miles south of Washington atop the restroom doors at the Greyhound stop in Fredericksburg.  Charles Person, a Negro student from Atlanta, went into the white restroom and I went into the colored restroom without incident.”

Jim Crow Bus Sign

The display case across from the restroom door contains a segregation sign from a local bus line.  The actions of the Freedom Riders only affected interstate, not in-state, travel.  Local buses were not integrated until the passage of the Civil Rights Act in 1963.  How does the wording of the sign reflect this?

Klan Memorabilia

Many of the objects in this case suggest the veneer of civilization that the KKK put on its activities.  The china seen here, for example, is one of many patterns of KKK china.  Does that surprise you?

 Klan Hood

Museums are generally very reluctant to exhibit Klan robes of any sort out of concern for the depth of emotion they evoke.  Should objects like these be put on display?  What might justify it?

  • A Different Viewpoint

The photo panel across from the display case tells the stories of African American organizations and prominent community members.  As you explore these, consider the evidence they give of an active and vibrant local community that thrived despite the injustices of segregation.

British Heritage, American Style
This exhibit celebrates the development of a vibrant artisan culture in early Virginia.  The skilled and unskilled labor of enslaved people played an integral role in the production and consumption of goods during the 1700s and early 1800s.

Shackles

The first case in the exhibit includes slave shackles.  What relationship do you think exists between these shackles, the account book, and the silver box?  Would you display them together?

  • A Different Viewpoint—industry and artisans

Enslaved workers helped to cut the sandstone at Aquia Quarry and run the forge at Rappahannock Forge.  Records indicate that the forge employed at least one enslaved blacksmith in the late 1700s.  Perhaps a slave produced some of the iron objects in the exhibit.

 Alexander Walker Advertisement

In the section on cabinetmaking, look at the advertisement for Alexander Walker.  Walker owned at least one enslaved cabinetmaker who assisted him in his shop on the corner of Caroline and Wolfe streets.

James Allen Side Chair

Perhaps James Allen’s slave Glasgow assisted in making the chair exhibited here.  According to Allen’s 1798 will, Glasgow had his own set of cabinetmaking tools.  Consider the tension between Glasgow’s skills and his status as a possession to be willed to Allen’s heirs.

  • A Different Viewpoint—the silent artisans

Fredericksburg area records reveal that there were a number of enslaved artisans working in the 1700s and early 1800s.  Many objects like those here may have been made in part or in whole by these artisans whose achievements remain uncredited.  Consider this as you go through the remainder of the exhibit, and when you see any early Virginia furniture.

Silver Exhibit

The ownership and display of silver proclaimed status in eighteenth and nineteenth century America.  It dazzles many viewers today as well, and we often marvel at the intricate patterning and engraving.  Those charged with its care and cleaning, however, may have had a very different view of these objects.  What do you think?

Civil War Disco…

Aside

Civil War Discovery Cart

 

This cart consists of three themed baskets, although two of the “baskets” are currently combined in one physical basket.  Each allows visitors to explore a different aspect of the Civil War, using reproductions of related objects.  All baskets can be tied to the stories told in the Fredericksburg at War exhibit, but are designed to extend beyond the exhibit and to give visitors a chance to learn using multiple senses.  The focus here is on engaging the visitors and helping them make connections using the objects as a mechanism or launching platform.  Gallery Assistants should act as facilitators, not lecturers.

To help the Gallery Assistants, each basket has its own guide sheet.  These sheets include a statement of the basket’s theme, an inventory of the objects, photographs of objects where necessary (come on, who doesn’t know what a tin cup or a deck of cards looks like?) with a brief description/historical background, and suggestions for ways to help visitors explore the objects and their stories.

Slavery and Reconstruction Basket (combined with Military Objects Basket)

 

Theme

It is impossible to explore the Civil War without dealing with slavery.  Before the Civil War, Fredericksburg served as a transfer point for slaves being shipped for sale to the deep south, where the explosion of cotton cultivation generated an ongoing demand for slave labor.  The fear of being sold away hung over every slave’s head, even urban slaves like those in Fredericksburg.  While some slaves, such as John Washington, lived somewhat comfortable lives and were allowed to make their own money, slaves were always vulnerable to the whims of their owners.

 

Union victories in the Civil War, including the taking of Fredericksburg in April of 1862, provided opportunities for slaves to escape behind the Union lines and then make their way to freedom.  John Washington’s memoire reveals an inside view of the dangers, hopes, and rewards involved in fleeing to freedom.  After the War, the period known as Reconstruction allowed newly freed African Americans opportunities that they had never had previously.  Some achieved political office, others started businesses.  Often they were supported by northerners who came south to take advantage of the need literally to reconstruct the economy.  Some were con men or charlatans out to make money any way they could, others were idealists hoping to build a better society, but to defeated southerners they were all villains.  They were labeled “Carpetbaggers” after the type of luggage they often carried.

 

Object Inventory

1 set of shackles

1 osnaburg shirt

Cotton in boll form

Tobacco in pressed hunk

1 set of marbles (to be purchased)

1 pencil (also to be purchased)

Paper (to be purchased)

1 carpet bag

Object Photographs and Descriptions: Please note—the information here is to help you answer questions visitors might have, or to assist you in your visitor dialogue.  You do not need to give out all of the information to visitors.

Shackles (reproduction)

Image
Shackles like these represent the grim reality of people as property.  This particular type was used to bind a slave’s wrists and required a key to be screwed in to unlock them.  Slaves were most often shackled during the sale process, when they were also kept locked in a jail until the auction.  Fredericksburg had a slave jail, as well as auction houses that specialized in slave sales.

Osnaburg Shirt (reproduction, no photo) Osnaburg (or Osenberg) is a cheap, coarsely woven cloth popular from in the late 1700s into the 1800s (originally linen or hemp, then cotton).  The name comes from the origin of the cloth in Osnabruck, Germany, although Scotland became the chief source of the fabric.  It is durable and so became the cloth of choice for slave clothing, particularly shirts.  This shirt is a reproduction of a typical work shirt from the 1800s.  Slaves could occasionally earn money for themselves, and archaeological evidence suggests that some used it to buy things such as buttons or beads to individualize the clothing issued to them by their masters.

Cotton Boll

ImageCotton, or more accurately, the cotton gin, accelerated the use of slave labor in North America.  Once the seeds did not have to be removed by hand, processing cotton became much faster and cheaper.  This development, along with the continued improvement of mechanized spinning and weaving, made what had been a luxury fabric into a widely used and highly sought commodity.  States in the lower south, such as Georgia and Alabama, became central sources of cotton for the Americas and Europe.  Planting and harvesting were still very labor intensive, so plantation owners in the southern states bought increasing numbers of slaves to work the fields.  These had to come from other slave states, such as Virginia, because the U.S. had outlawed the importation of slaves from Africa in 1807.  Note: People may see cotton fields today in eastern Virginia and North Carolina, but for the most part, this is the result of the need to replace tobacco with other crops suited to the sandy soil of the eastern regions.

Pressed Tobacco (reproduction of period packaging)

Tobacco was one of the primary cash crops of Virginia, and tobacco planters were among the earliest users of slave labor.  Virginians also processed tobacco for use.  Although urban slaves did not work in the fields, some, like John Washington, were hired out to assist with processing the dried leaves.  Washington describes this work in his memoire (the quotation is included in the suggestions for engaging visitors).  According to his observations, work in the factories could provide income for the slaves, but only if the met their daily quota of work first.

Carpetbag (reproduction)

Carpetbags may have originated from the use of worn carpets to create cheap luggage to meet the increasing demand with the rise in travel in the 1840s.  Whatever their origin, by the 1850s, these large capacity, sturdy bags were in common use by travelers everywhere.  They gave rise to the derogative term “carpetbagger” in the post Civil War period to designate northerners who moved south in the wake of the Confederate’s defeat and the wide-spread destruction caused by the war.

Helping Visitors Explore the Basket

Encourage visitors to pick things up, put things on (where possible), smell things, and use things.  As they do so, use these questions to guide the discussion.

Shackles

  • Invite visitors to put their hands through the shackles and feel the weight.
  •  Ask them to imagine standing in the hot sun or the fierce cold confined with the iron bands on their wrists and ankles.
  • How would the experience make them feel?  What type of people did society usually put in shackles?

Quotations from John Washington’s Memoire (use to explore how slave life was restricted, even if not by physical shackles—punctuation and grammar has been left as he wrote it)

“I had now arrived at the age of between 11 and 12 years, and had began to see some of the many trials of slavery.  Mother lived alone and maintained us children for about a year, perhaps.  When Mrs.  Taliaferro [their owner] came to the conclusion that mother, with my sisters…and brother…would have to be sent to Staunton, Virginia, to be hired out to one R.H. Phillips.”

“Who then could I complain to When I was persecuted?  Who then would come early the cold Winter mornings and call me up and help me do my hard tasks?  Whose hand (patting) me upon the head would sooth my early trials….Then and there my hatred was kindled secretly against my oppressors, and I promised myself that If ever I got an opportunity I would run away from these devilish slave holders–…”

Osnaburg Shirt

  • If there is someone in the group whom the shirt would fit, invite him or her to put it on, if not, invite visitors to feel the fabric and investigate the basic style
  • Ask them how they might try to individualize the shirt if they were able to.  Would they add fancier buttons?  Would they sew beads on it?  Etc.
  • How do we try to individualize our clothing?  Would we like it if someone else determined what we had to wear?

Quotation from John Washington’s Memoire (gives insight to urban slave’s clothing, and the restrictions on their lives)

“I was dressed every morning…in a neat white Apron and clean Jacket and Pants and sent up to the Bank to see what mistress might want me to do, possibly she would have nothing at all for me to do, and if so, I would be ordered to sit down on a footstool, in her room for hours at a time when other children of my age would be out at play.”

Cotton Boll

  • Have visitors think about how prickly the dried husk of the cotton is and what it would be like to pick it.
  • As they feel the cotton mass, have them imagine trying to separate seeds out of it (cotton gin put an end to this task)
  • How common are cotton clothes now?  Why do people like them? (lightweight, wick away moisture etc.—same reasons for popularity in 1800s)

Quotation from John Washington’s Memoire (illustrates consequences to slaves of the rise of cotton cultivation in the deep south)

[There is a quote in the complete memoire about his early memory of watching slaves who were to be sold south.  It is not included in the laminated pages, so I’ll need to add it later]

Pressed Tobacco

  • Invite visitors to smell the tobacco.  Ask whether it brings back any memories.  Have any of them worked in harvesting or processing tobacco?
  • Ask whether any of them have seen tobacco growing in the fields.  Describe the labor intensive process of checking the plants for tobacco worms, stripping the leaves off of the plants as they reach maturity, bundling and tying the leaves to poles for hanging in the curing barn, tending the fires that provided the smoke for curing, and packing the cured leaves for shipment (if your visitors have done any of this, let them talk about it)
  • Ask whether the visitors have gone through the “Portal, Passage, and Power” exhibit and point out that it includes a discussion of the role of tobacco export in Fredericksburg’s growth as a city.
  • Use the quotation from Washington’s memoire below to discuss the role of slaves in the production of finished tobacco products.

Quotation from John Washington’s Memoire

“January 1st, 1860 I went to live with Messieurs Alexander and Gibbs, Tobacco Manufacturers.  where I, in a month or two, learned the art of preparing tobacco for the mill.  We were all tasked to twist 66 to 100 lbs per day.  All the work we could do over the task we got paid for, which was our own money (emphasis his)…But if any one failed to have completed his tasks the lash would be generally resorted to.”

Carpetbag

  • Invite visitors to examine the bag and estimate how much they could put in it.
  • How does it compare with our luggage today?
  • Can they come up with a modern version of the name “carpetbagger?”  Is there an equivalently prevalent form of luggage today? (perhaps the roller bag?)
  • If they lived in the north, what might have made them decide to go south after the Civil War?
  • If they lived in the south, why might they have felt about the “northern invasion?”  Are we seeing some similar trends today?

Military Objects Basket (combined with slavery basket)

Theme

These objects speak specifically to life and death on the battlefield.  They can be linked to the weapons in the gun cases and to the information on Fredericksburg as a “city of hospitals.”

Object Inventory

2 Union kepi caps

2 Confederate kepi caps

Fife

1 bag of paper cartridges

1 tin cup

7 buttons (1 navy, 1 artillery, 1 infantry, 1 cavalry, 1 engineer, 2 musician) in tin cup

3 Minnie balls (in tin cup)

1 round ball (in tin cup)

1 haversack

Object Photographs and Descriptions

Kepi Caps

 

 

This style of soldier’s cap was usually given the French term “kepi” because it was modeled off of the caps first worn by Napoleon’s troops and developed to suit the heat of desert campaigning. In America it has come to serve as a symbol of the Civil War.  The French kepi has straight, stiff sides rather than the more slouchy appearance of the American version.  Some also refer to it as a forage cap, but others argue that there are actually two distinctive types of hat, with variances in the crown, brim and buckle.  Their basic traits, however, are very similar.  Both Union and Confederate soldiers wore the kepi or forage cap, with the Union wearing blue and the Confederates usually wearing grey or tan.  One of the Union repro caps in the basket is a forage cap.  Look for the one that has a higher, tapered crown when extended.  At least one source claims that forage caps were more common in the Union ranks, but this sort of thing is difficult to document.

Objects continued on next page.

Fife

Music and musicians have been part of armies for centuries.  By the 1700s, the primary form of military music was the fife and drum corps, whose tunes assisted in keeping units in formation when marching.  At the Civil War’s beginning, the army ran a school for fifers and drummers on Staten Island in New York.  Over the course of the war, full brass bands began to replace the fife and drum corps, giving us the modern army band.

Paper Cartridges

 

Cartridges like these were used to hold a bullet and the proper amount of powder for a shot.  Cartridge types differed somewhat depending on the firearm for which they were intended, but the most common were probably those used in muzzle-loading percussion rifles.  The bullet would be placed at one end with the powder allotment separated from it by a paper covering.  When needed, a soldier would tear it open, most often with his teeth, pour the powder into the barrel, then push the paper covered bullet into place with the ramrod.  In both the Union and Confederate territories, female factory workers produced cartridges by the millions.

Bullets

Minnie ball                          Round ball

Until the invention of the minié or Minnie ball, bullets were literally balls.  Round projectiles worked well in muskets which had smooth barrels because they could be loaded quickly (no grooves to have to worry about), but hitting the target was as much a matter of luck as skill.  The development of barrels with grooves, or rifling, put a spin on the bullet that gave it much greater accuracy.  The tradeoff was that because the ball had to fit tightly against the grooves in order to be spun it was difficult to load.  That problem was solved by the minie ball (named for one of its French inventors, Claude Minié).  These projectiles had a hollow, grooved base that expanded under the force of fire to fit snugly into the rifling. This design allowed for more streamlined projectiles and eased the loading process.   Both smoothbore muskets and rifles were in use during the Civil War and both types of bullets can be found on battlefields.

Buttons

Musician   Engineer    Navy

Just as today, a soldier’s affiliation and rank were reflected in the decoration of his uniform, often including the buttons.  These reproduction buttons represent those worn by musicians (harp), engineers (fortification and banner), and navy or marines (eagle with anchor).  Members of the cavalry, artillery, and infantry had to settle for an initial (C, A, or I).  Women and children often aided the war effort by sewing buttons on uniforms.  Due to their relative durability, buttons also survive on (or more precisely, under) battlefields.

Tin Cup (no photograph)

A soldier never wanted to be without water or the means to obtain water, particularly on the march.  Cups made of tin, also referred to as dippers, were lightweight and durable.  They could be easily stashed in a soldier’s pack or attached to his belt.

Haversack

The haversack was a large capacity canvas bag that could be carried across the body while on the march.  It originated as a means for horsemen to transport oats (old English “haver”) for their mounts, and thus was called an “oat sack.”  As a form of luggage it made it easy for a soldier to carry all of his personal items while in the field.  These items could include such things as writing implements, soap, razor, food, or playing cards.  The U.S. army still issues haversacks as part of a soldier’s gear.

Helping Visitors Explore the Basket

Kepi Caps

  • Invite visitors to investigate the caps; ask whether they see any differences in them (one of the Union caps is definitely a forage cap=it tapers toward the crown and has a buckle band))
  • Engage visitors in conversation about the reasons all uniforms were not standard (difficulties with supplies, use of private contractors to raise troops)
  • Invite them to try on a cap and imagine being a soldier; would they have volunteered?

Buttons

  • Encourage visitors to examine the buttons; can they guess which one is the musician? Navy? (don’t tell them the answer, these can be figured out fairly easily, especially if you help them see the eagle carrying an anchor; the engineers button is too obscure for most folks=fortress and banner)
  • Why do we use uniforms?
  • Have any of them every worn a uniform?  Did they like it?

Fife

  • Talk with the visitors about why musicians might have been part of the army (role of music in marching and in battle charges)
  • Have any of them ever played in a marching band?  How hard was it?
  • Use the antiseptic wipes provided and invite any visitor who would like to play the fife

Paper Cartridges

  • Ask a visitor to put one of the Minnie balls into one of the cartridges (goes in point side up; the powder would be packed on top, with the bullet wrapped separately)
  • Have them try to imagine loading it into a rifle in the heat of battle; you can tie this to the weapons cabinet and encourage them to explore the different types of guns used
  • Ask them to imagine preparing the cartridges in factories (primarily women did this); need for care and precision to prevent accidents or ammunition that didn’t work

Bullets

  • Encourage visitors to examine the Minnie balls and try to figure out how they worked (powder fire expanded the hollow base so that it fit into the rifling of the barrel)
  • Ask them to compare the round bullet with the Minnie ball and imagine trying to load a tightly fitted round ball into a rifle barrel (remember that it had to fit snugly in order to engage the rifling or grooves)
  • Round bullets slid easily into a smooth barrel musket, but why would a rifled barrel be more accurate? (simple physics=spin on the bullet to keep it aimed at the target)

Note: the last question is not suitable for younger children (under age 10 or so) who have trouble with abstract concepts.

Haversack and Tin Cup

  • Ask visitors if they have ever used a tin cup (camping maybe)?
  • What would be the advantage of using this type of cup when camping or hiking?

Invite visitors to examine